Election defense in Pima County: first steps

Draft for discussion. AI-drafted (Claude), 2026-08-08, not reviewed by any organization named here. Not for publication or sharing beyond the people discussing it. General version: November strategy.

What a person searching finds today

Three rings of people

The unserved ring is the first. The two site additions at the top serve it; nothing else is needed on the site.

Two places effort actually lands

1. Cochise County certification, next door. Pima's board will certify. Cochise's board delayed certification in 2022 and a Pima County Superior Court judge ordered them to certify the same day, ruling the canvass is "ministerial and mandatory, not discretionary." The two supervisors were criminally charged; one pleaded guilty. The same board is now pre-signaling a 2026 rerun: supervisors held a work session on abandoning tabulation machines and hand-counting, Supervisor Frank Antenori says the county should challenge the tabulation-machine statute in court, and in March the board asked the Director of National Intelligence to investigate its 2022 machines. KJZZ is already covering what happens if Cochise refuses to certify. This is the certification chokepoint in southern Arizona, it is thin on organizers, and Tucson is the nearest base. The Georgia pre-emption model fits: public meetings before October, officials pledging on record, with the voices in the room being Cochise residents, not visitors from Tucson. One caution to verify: reporting ahead of the second supervisor's trial says a judge threw out parts of Arizona's certification rules, so what legal ground remains from 2022 needs checking with lawyers, not assuming.

2. Early-vote armor. Intimidation at polling places only reaches people who vote in person on election day. Arizona's counters exist and are strong: the Active Early Voting List (sign up any time; ballot arrives by mail automatically), BallotTrax tracking by text, and voter registration open until October 5 for the November 3 general. Both counters are under direct attack: the USPS mail-ballot executive order is in court, and a measure on this November's Arizona ballot would restrict mail voting. Moving targeted communities onto the early list and onto ballot tracking, through the messengers those communities already trust, converts election-day pressure into a non-event. This is relational work the existing orgs already know how to do; the contribution from outside is the concrete asset: AEVL signup and BallotTrax in every "what to do" one-pager, in Spanish first.

First steps, in order

Templates: how patterns travel between communities

We maintain DemPlan, a public repo of model laws and strategic documents. Its model-law collection already shows the pattern that works: a fill-in template paired with the real ordinances cities actually passed (REIN-ICE, limiting local cooperation with ICE, with enacted examples from San Francisco, Los Angeles, New York, Chicago). A template travels when it ships with proof it worked somewhere, needs only local names and numbers filled in, and moves through networks that already trust each other, not through a new platform.

Election-defense templates that would fit DemPlan the same way, each one file, each paired with a working example:

Draft: a resolution Pima County could adopt

No county has enacted a resolution like this. Pima passing one would create the first enacted example for the template, and concrete text Cochise residents could ask their own board to match. Starting draft, for lawyers to check, statute citations to be filled in:

Sources to draft from: Protect Democracy, "Election Certification Is Not Optional"; Brennan Center, election certification guardrails.